Centre for European Reform

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Foto: Sargasso achtergrond wereldbol

Has the Ukraine lost its appetite for reform?

This article is written by Tomas Valasek, director of foreign policy and defence at the Centre for European Reform.

oranje revolutie kievIn a study on Ukraine published in October, the CER gave President Viktor Yanukovich credit for passing difficult economic reforms but criticised his efforts to supress political opposition. Since then, reforms have stalled while the concentration of power in the president’s hands has continued unabated.

A recent visit to Kyiv has left me deeply worried. The government continues to amass power. This is in part due to the weakness of the opposition – former leaders of the Orange revolution such as former president Viktor Yushchenko and former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko are genuinely unpopular with voters, who blame them for disappointing economic performance and failure to move Ukraine closer to the EU. Even so, president Yanukovich seems intent on preventing free and fair elections. The October 31st regional poll was marred by widespread use of government powers to help the ruling Party of Regions. The European Parliament notes in its November 25th resolution that “some parties, such as [Yulia Tymoshenko’s] Batkivshchyna, were unable to register their candidates”. Phil Gordon, the US assistant secretary of state, said that the United States: “does not believe that those elections met the standards of openness and fairness that applied to the presidential election earlier in the year.”

Foto: Sargasso achtergrond wereldbol

Euro reform: north versus south

Katinka Barysch is deputy director aan het Centre for European Reform. Het stuk staat ook op hun blog. Hieronder ook nog een video.

eurosEuropeans agree that the management of the euro must be improved to prevent future crises, or deal with them better if and when they happen. The European Commission is hopeful that it can get all 27 EU countries to agree on a package of reforms it published at the end of September. However, recent conversations in various EU capitals left me with the impression that divisions still run deep on crucial aspects of eurozone reform. Not everyone shares the Germans’ sense of urgency, and there is a risk that complacency sets in before a sustainable new framework has been created.

On September 29th, the European Commission published six draft laws designed to improve the management of the euro. The package foresees earlier and tougher sanctions on countries that break agreed limits on budget deficits and debt levels, new procedures for macro-economic co-ordination to avoid harmful imbalances among EU countries, and a harmonisation of the way EU countries draw up their budgets. The conclusions of Herman Van Rompuy’s taskforce on eurozone governance are expected to go broadly in the same direction. The Commission hopes that the proposed reforms can become law by the summer of 2011 – an ambitious timetable even by the Commission’s own admission.

Foto: Sargasso achtergrond wereldbol

Immigration: why Brussels will be blamed

Now asylum if you're gayLiberal Sweden elects an explicitly anti-immigrant party to parliament for the first time. France’s president and the European Commission lacerate each other in public over deportations of Roma. A former German central banker publishes a bestseller warning that immigration is diluting the nation’s human stock. And even Britain moves forward with plans to cap economic immigration. The last three weeks have been a startling illustration of how immigration has come to dominate European politics.

At first, the EU seemed only a marginal player in this drama. The European Commission cannot dictate how many immigrants member countries let in, how many refugees they accept or how host societies should integrate newcomers. EU powers over the issuing of work visas are limited. But, as the row between President Sarkozy and Viviane Reding, the EU’s justice commissioner, demonstrates, the Union has become a central player in immigration policy, even when governments point to public safety to defend their actions. This is mainly because the Commission is legally obliged to protect the mobility rights of citizens under a ‘free movement’ directive agreed by governments in 2004. (The law aims to make sure that EU nationals can move to each others’ countries without the need for work or residency permits, a commitment originally laid down in the EU’s founding treaties.)

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