Tony Blair doet ook een duit in het zakje. Volgens hem ligt het niet aan algeheel moreel verval, maar specifiek aan dysfunctionele gezinnen bij elkaar + politie en justitie die de handen vol hebben.
#2
S’z
Ach ja en A clockwork orange enz.
Via klikmelink: “hitherto, this nationwide civil unrest has been largely the work of children. The marauding bands that set London alight and shut down town centers across Britain were made up, unprecedentedly, of often very young teenagers. This has not been an uprising of the dispossessed, the unemployed, or particular ethnic groups, but a violent convulsion of kids on holiday from high school. According to the Metropolitan Police, just under two thirds of those arrested on the second day of the London disturbances were teenagers. Many were 13, 14, 15 years of age. Everyone who saw them was shocked. […] These events have been characterized, in the main, by relatively little violence against the person. They have been gentler than riots often are. Because they have been prosecuted by children.
While mobs rampaged through Wolverhampton city center, Louise Johnson, alone among local shopkeepers, stood defiant outside her eponymous hair salon. Her neighbors’ premises were looted, but to Johnson the junior rioters showed no disrespect. “Actually,” she told BBC radio the following morning, “they were remarkably polite.”
#3
S’z
Ibidem, ivm (succesvolle) “community policing” beleid van Labourregering …
“Introduced by the previous government (of which I was a member) a decade ago, “neighborhood policing” is a partnership model in which the police, politicians, government agencies, and the public constantly “task” each other to maintain a physical environment that doesn’t feel like one in which crime is committed. A kind of soft-focus zero tolerance.
Alongside it came a lot of extra “bobbies on the beat” (in London alone, police numbers rose from 26,000 to 32,000 between 2001 and 2009), supplemented by a new army of Police Community Support Officers. (These are not full police officers, and cost a lot less, but look like police, are part of the police communications infrastructure, and are the visible front line of neighborhood policing.)
It works. Crime having relentlessly risen in Britain since Victorian times, neighborhood policing miraculously reversed the trend. Between 1997 and 2010 (Labour’s period in office), overall crime in the U.K. fell from 16.7 million offenses a year to 9.6 million—a drop of 43 percent. This is impossible, but true.
Thirty years ago, the police force was widely seen as an illiberal organization wobbling unsteadily between the macho and the brutal. The 1999 Macpherson Report into the Metropolitan Police’s failure to properly investigate the 1993 killing of a black teenager, Stephen Lawrence, concluded that the force was “institutionally racist.” Dave from the Neighbourhood Team, on the other hand, talks like a youth worker or an inner-city teacher. And he’s not just spouting stuff he’s learned; that’s how he thinks. He believes in the power of community because it is his daily currency.
But hooded gangs of implacably acquisitive looters, sprung from nowhere for no obvious reason, are not really in the community script. Just as baton-charging bands of disaffected urban youths are not in the neighborhood policeman’s DNA.
That’s no use to the shopkeepers of Lozells Road. They want a copper on every corner, riot vans at every intersection. They do not understand why the police initially appeared to stand by and allow hordes of young thugs to seize the streets.”
Reacties (3)
Tony Blair doet ook een duit in het zakje. Volgens hem ligt het niet aan algeheel moreel verval, maar specifiek aan dysfunctionele gezinnen bij elkaar + politie en justitie die de handen vol hebben.
Ach ja en A clockwork orange enz.
Via klikmelink: “hitherto, this nationwide civil unrest has been largely the work of children. The marauding bands that set London alight and shut down town centers across Britain were made up, unprecedentedly, of often very young teenagers. This has not been an uprising of the dispossessed, the unemployed, or particular ethnic groups, but a violent convulsion of kids on holiday from high school. According to the Metropolitan Police, just under two thirds of those arrested on the second day of the London disturbances were teenagers. Many were 13, 14, 15 years of age. Everyone who saw them was shocked. […] These events have been characterized, in the main, by relatively little violence against the person. They have been gentler than riots often are. Because they have been prosecuted by children.
While mobs rampaged through Wolverhampton city center, Louise Johnson, alone among local shopkeepers, stood defiant outside her eponymous hair salon. Her neighbors’ premises were looted, but to Johnson the junior rioters showed no disrespect. “Actually,” she told BBC radio the following morning, “they were remarkably polite.”
Ibidem, ivm (succesvolle) “community policing” beleid van Labourregering …
“Introduced by the previous government (of which I was a member) a decade ago, “neighborhood policing” is a partnership model in which the police, politicians, government agencies, and the public constantly “task” each other to maintain a physical environment that doesn’t feel like one in which crime is committed. A kind of soft-focus zero tolerance.
Alongside it came a lot of extra “bobbies on the beat” (in London alone, police numbers rose from 26,000 to 32,000 between 2001 and 2009), supplemented by a new army of Police Community Support Officers. (These are not full police officers, and cost a lot less, but look like police, are part of the police communications infrastructure, and are the visible front line of neighborhood policing.)
It works. Crime having relentlessly risen in Britain since Victorian times, neighborhood policing miraculously reversed the trend. Between 1997 and 2010 (Labour’s period in office), overall crime in the U.K. fell from 16.7 million offenses a year to 9.6 million—a drop of 43 percent. This is impossible, but true.
Thirty years ago, the police force was widely seen as an illiberal organization wobbling unsteadily between the macho and the brutal. The 1999 Macpherson Report into the Metropolitan Police’s failure to properly investigate the 1993 killing of a black teenager, Stephen Lawrence, concluded that the force was “institutionally racist.” Dave from the Neighbourhood Team, on the other hand, talks like a youth worker or an inner-city teacher. And he’s not just spouting stuff he’s learned; that’s how he thinks. He believes in the power of community because it is his daily currency.
But hooded gangs of implacably acquisitive looters, sprung from nowhere for no obvious reason, are not really in the community script. Just as baton-charging bands of disaffected urban youths are not in the neighborhood policeman’s DNA.
That’s no use to the shopkeepers of Lozells Road. They want a copper on every corner, riot vans at every intersection. They do not understand why the police initially appeared to stand by and allow hordes of young thugs to seize the streets.”